Special Political and Decolonization Committee

Dear Delegates,

It is my great pleasure to welcome you to the Special Political and Decolonization Committee at Harvard National Model United Nations 2011. My name is Simon Maas, and I am excited to serve as your director for the stimulating, intensive, and fun-filled time you will spend in Boston for the upcoming conference. I am originally from Vancouver, Canada, home of the recent Olympics, and am a proud supporter of the Vancouver Canucks. I began my Model UN career close to the start of high school, and have attended several conferences over the continent as both a delegate and a staff member. One of the most unique opportunities afforded by Model UN is meeting people from diverse backgrounds; not only do we represent the many countries of the globe, but we bring varied qualities and experiences. Discussing the world’s most pressing issues with your friends is one thing, but doing so among an international crowd is a truly amazing opportunity. I have always greatly appreciated how Model UN has affected my world outlook, and I am sure that you will benefit similarly from HNMUN 2011.

At Harvard, I am currently a sophomore living in the majestic Quincy House, concentrating in History and Literature, with a secondary field in Government and a language citation in French. My primary focus on campus is the Varsity Lightweight Crew Team, which is both a rewarding and highly time-consuming activity. When I have time, I play trumpet in Harvard’s Sunday Jazz Band. In addition to HNMUN, I am serving as a Director of Business for our high school MUN conference.

The SPECPOL committee this year will debate two incredibly controversial and pressing issues on the international stage. Political instability in former African colonies has given rise to some of the most deadly modern wars, and preventive war constantly poses a threat to the security of nations, as there are no effective current guidelines. These two topics are complex, yet their more subtle sides will provide some of the most interesting debate in the conference. As you prepare your nation’s position, I hope that you will find both topics thought provoking. While researching, feel free to e-mail me about any questions you might have, or just to introduce yourself. I look forward to meeting you all in the near future!

Sincerely,

Simon Maas
Director, Special Political and Decolonization Committee
Harvard National Model United Nations 2011

Topic Area A: Political Stability in Former African Colonies

The post-colonial world has given rise to several unstable African states where human rights abuses are commonplace and constant civil wars have flourished under corrupt regimes. After rapid decolonization and replacing European rule with local actors, many states have faced the challenges of self-governance under complex historical conditions. Borders have been rather arbitrarily drawn around diverse ethnic groups and tribes, and these cultural overlaps have since provoked several devastating conflicts. The Congo Wars since 1996 have been the greatest loss of life due to warfare since World War II, totaling over 6 million deaths. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 was one of the worst cases of ethnic cleansing known to mankind. Many of these nations are resource rich, which means greed is often a driving force behind the conflict, and as the Congo Wars demonstrate, such strife engulfs the entire region. Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Angola, and others have long been involved in African affairs that they cannot necessarily control. These cases and several more throughout the African continent, like the unfortunate case of Sudan, remind us what can happen when a government becomes too weak, especially after a turbulent colonial past. In spite of the magnitude of these African conflicts, there has been relatively little media coverage, and world powers have taken surprisingly little substantive action to remedy the situations.

How can ethnic wars like those in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda be prevented, given national borders that do not accurately match divisions among tribal groups? What is the role of international intervention and establishing political systems in unstable states with recurring violence? How can such action be justified without unfortunate reminders of a colonial background? What can be done to prevent any new African state governments from falling into anarchy, resulting in further conflict and violence? Delegates should must carefully consider these questions when approaching this topic and designing possible components of a resolution.

Topic Area B: Preventive War

States are constantly preoccupied with their own security, and in an effort to improve domestic safety, will often be tempted to launch a preemptive strike. Any preventive wars pose a large threat to the international community, primarily because they are so difficult to foresee. The 2003 US invasion of Iraq is widely considered a preemptive strike as the US claimed fears of weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in the Middle Eastern state. If the US did not invade, argued the Bush administration, the entire security of the American people would be jeopardized due to a possible terrorist attack. In spite of the Security Council’s intensive inspections in Iraq pre-2003 to search for WMDs, the US went ahead without international approval. This recent case illustrates the vast potential for future preventive wars: both those in which the war is more justified, and those in which preemption is simply a pretext for war. When any smaller state feels threatened, a preventive war might be the most appealing option, and no international guidelines exist to deter such an action. Furthermore, world superpowers may be tempted to exert their power over weaker and more vulnerable states if they fear any potential security threats. Cases like that involving Russia and Georgia as recently as 2008 continue to occur, without any regulating international guidelines in existence.

How can the international community better regulate such preventive wars? What is there to say that world powers will not abuse their positions and use preemption as a pretext for self-serving wars? What is the role of the international community in responding to regime changes post-preventive wars, and how can we ensure episodes like Iraq will not repeat under the current international structure? Such questions are crucial to keep in mind when considering solutions to the ongoing problem of preventive wars.